Agriculture in Guatemala: The Old and New

This weeks reading discussing the transformation, distribution, and relationship between the conflicting forces of history, tradition, and modernization in the Guatemala once again reminded me of the relevance of Sen’s development ideas. However, before I talk about development, I wanted to discuss the description of Mayan subsistence agriculture. I thought the explanation of the planting methods that the indigenous groups use in Chapter 7 yielded significant insights into the relationships between the land and the people. We all already know the close ties that the Mayan have with their homeland. What I didn’t know was how balanced and natural of an interaction this was. For example, the book talks about how maize and beans are perfectly suited to grow together, and that each plant replenishes the other and keeps the soil stable (123). Further, it turns out that maize and beans together are “protein complimentary…where the completed whole of the combined proteins is greater than the sum of the individual parts”(126). These two crops together represent the basis of the Mayan diet and symbolize a healthy and accessible food source for all age groups. The harvesting of crops also provides the structure for growing seasons, which organizes all other aspects of Mayan life including ritual, tradition, and celebration. I also found it very interesting how farmers often spread ashes of old crops in a symbolic “feeding of the land” (136). The interdependency between the people and the land thus exists as a reciprocal cycle both natural and innate; an equal process of giving, receiving, and restoring.

As others have mentioned before me, there has been a recent trend in Guatemala to stop the growth of customary maize and beans in favor of producing nontraditional export crops, such as cauliflower, snow beans, and broccoli (137). When I was reading about the change to nontraditional crops, I kept wondering, “Is this development?” While many would maybe equate exporting production with low wages and abuse of local populations, many Mayans attest that they would rather work for these companies, not only for better salary but also “…to avoid the financial, emotional, and health costs associated with traveling away from their home communities” (141). These companies have further created a demand for local labor. As we heard from the testimony of Marta, some employees even find satisfaction in their jobs, one aspect of Sen’s development idea. However, I couldn’t help but thinking during my reading that this latest plantation trend would eventually have long term negative consequences for the Mayan people. For example, nontraditional agriculture has “… included a drastic redistribution of land, wealth, and the work people do”(141). After observing the traditional mutually beneficial relationship between Mayans and the land, I feel new agricultural companies in Guatemala are displacing a system that ensures stability and value. However, this old ways of agriculture has setbacks too, including perpetuating the lack of education and poverty. Is there anyway the two systems coexists? Could syncretism play a role in finding a harmonious balance between the past and the future? Ultimately, both aspects of agriculture in Guatemala have positive benefits that ideally could be fused for the benefit of the Mayan people.